now it's personal

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Re: now it's personal

gepr
While I don't much care what Peirce would say, the idea that would be interesting would be the openness and *width* of the "trajectory" we're on. I.e. it's not so much a trajectory as a series of "light cones", or possibility cones. At each tick (discrete or continuous) that cone might be fat or skinny. Is the fatness of the sequence of cones monotonic? It's normal to think that it is. And not merely monotonic but decreasing, with the passage of each tick, our wiggle room is more restricted. But one of the arguments from normalizable models and progressive historicity is that "degrees of freedom" might "open up" after some collapse at some tick. I.e. the cone might be quite thin until some turn into a more connected region of the space, where it fattens up again. So, the interesting trajectory is kinda like a derivative of the trajectory.


On 10/14/20 9:23 AM, jon zingale wrote:
> To speculate, I
> suppose Peirce would say that the universe is all *seething dog vomit* with
> but a few islands of temporally-local persistent patterns recognizable by
> us. OTOH, we need not be concerned by every possible CA, just the trajectory
> that we are on.


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Re: now it's personal

thompnickson2
In reply to this post by jon zingale
J.
Yes.  Seething dog vomit!  How could it be otherwise? Read the damned news,
for god's sake!
N.

Nicholas Thompson
Emeritus Professor of Ethology and Psychology
Clark University
[hidden email]
https://wordpress.clarku.edu/nthompson/
 


-----Original Message-----
From: Friam <[hidden email]> On Behalf Of jon zingale
Sent: Wednesday, October 14, 2020 10:24 AM
To: [hidden email]
Subject: Re: [FRIAM] now it's personal

*modernist trigger warning*

Of those modernists, it was ironically the structuralists (IMO) that opened
this door that cannot be closed. Arguably, postmodernism (in particular
Derrida) became a scapegoat for what Godel had already established 30 years
earlier. The struggle mirrors only too well the immediate reactions of those
mathematicians entrenched in Hilbert's dream. To this day, many in the
mathematics community avoid a direct gaze and hold the belief that there is
nothing to see there. Of course, I always wonder where Nick or EricC might
stand with respect to CA and modernism. Every open sub-object, a glider or a
metabolic system, is entailed by the CA and not the reverse. To speculate, I
suppose Peirce would say that the universe is all *seething dog vomit* with
but a few islands of temporally-local persistent patterns recognizable by
us. OTOH, we need not be concerned by every possible CA, just the trajectory
that we are on.



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Re: now it's personal

jon zingale
In reply to this post by gepr
Hmm, back down the comonad development path for me, where CA, linear logic,
convolutions, and modal possibility seem to find their meet. However now,
with the additional sheaf-theoretic motivation that the *widths* of
trajectories vary like dimension along fibers.



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Re: now it's personal

thompnickson2
Oh, I love it when you guys talk dirty.

n

Nicholas Thompson
Emeritus Professor of Ethology and Psychology
Clark University
[hidden email]
https://wordpress.clarku.edu/nthompson/
 


-----Original Message-----
From: Friam <[hidden email]> On Behalf Of jon zingale
Sent: Wednesday, October 14, 2020 1:37 PM
To: [hidden email]
Subject: Re: [FRIAM] now it's personal

Hmm, back down the comonad development path for me, where CA, linear logic,
convolutions, and modal possibility seem to find their meet. However now,
with the additional sheaf-theoretic motivation that the *widths* of
trajectories vary like dimension along fibers.



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Re: now it's personal

jon zingale
In reply to this post by jon zingale
*across fibers



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Re: now it's personal

jon zingale
In reply to this post by thompnickson2
Yeah, now if we can pull JohnK away from doing real mathematics long enough
write about Isbell Duality[!], then we will have a serious party :)

[!] https://ncatlab.org/nlab/show/Isbell+duality#related_concepts



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Re: now it's personal

Marcus G. Daniels
In reply to this post by jon zingale
liked the derivative of a TM paper, but I dare not look at it now.  :-)

-----Original Message-----
From: Friam <[hidden email]> On Behalf Of jon zingale
Sent: Wednesday, October 14, 2020 12:37 PM
To: [hidden email]
Subject: Re: [FRIAM] now it's personal

Hmm, back down the comonad development path for me, where CA, linear logic, convolutions, and modal possibility seem to find their meet. However now, with the additional sheaf-theoretic motivation that the *widths* of trajectories vary like dimension along fibers.



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Re: now it's personal

Frank Wimberly-2
What's the function associated with it?  Words like derivative, differential, directional derivative etc. mean so mething to me.

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505 670-9918
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On Wed, Oct 14, 2020, 3:11 PM Marcus Daniels <[hidden email]> wrote:
liked the derivative of a TM paper, but I dare not look at it now.  :-)

-----Original Message-----
From: Friam <[hidden email]> On Behalf Of jon zingale
Sent: Wednesday, October 14, 2020 12:37 PM
To: [hidden email]
Subject: Re: [FRIAM] now it's personal

Hmm, back down the comonad development path for me, where CA, linear logic, convolutions, and modal possibility seem to find their meet. However now, with the additional sheaf-theoretic motivation that the *widths* of trajectories vary like dimension along fibers.



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Re: now it's personal

jon zingale
"What's the function associated with it?  Words like derivative,
differential, directional derivative, etc. mean something to me."

Let me attempt a brief and likely rough answer. Terms from lambda calculus
correspond to algorithms. There is a model of lambda calculus (as-well-as
full linear logic) where types are interpreted as vector spaces over
algebraically closed fields and the terms as power series on these spaces.
In these models all functions are differentiable and a paper by Ehrhard and
Regnier gives this derivative. Clift and Murfet then go on to flesh out (and
coin) "Sweedler semantics" for this differential linear logic, named after
the mathematician who studied these structures in the domain of Hopf
algebras.

In light of the recent discussions regarding maximally stateful and purely
functional computation, this work is interesting exactly because of the
differences which exist between theories of lambda calculi and Turing
machines. While they both specify the same class of functions
(Church-Turing), the former knows nothing of intensionality (time or space
complexity, say). Clift and Murfet then follow the Church-Turing
correspondence, using linear logic as the bridge, to show how
differentiation of programs manifests in the real application of program
synthesis, training neural nets for example.



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Re: now it's personal

Frank Wimberly-2
Thank you, Jon.  I'll have to ponder that but I probably won't have time to grok it.

---
Frank C. Wimberly
140 Calle Ojo Feliz,
Santa Fe, NM 87505

505 670-9918
Santa Fe, NM

On Thu, Oct 15, 2020, 11:20 AM jon zingale <[hidden email]> wrote:
"What's the function associated with it?  Words like derivative,
differential, directional derivative, etc. mean something to me."

Let me attempt a brief and likely rough answer. Terms from lambda calculus
correspond to algorithms. There is a model of lambda calculus (as-well-as
full linear logic) where types are interpreted as vector spaces over
algebraically closed fields and the terms as power series on these spaces.
In these models all functions are differentiable and a paper by Ehrhard and
Regnier gives this derivative. Clift and Murfet then go on to flesh out (and
coin) "Sweedler semantics" for this differential linear logic, named after
the mathematician who studied these structures in the domain of Hopf
algebras.

In light of the recent discussions regarding maximally stateful and purely
functional computation, this work is interesting exactly because of the
differences which exist between theories of lambda calculi and Turing
machines. While they both specify the same class of functions
(Church-Turing), the former knows nothing of intensionality (time or space
complexity, say). Clift and Murfet then follow the Church-Turing
correspondence, using linear logic as the bridge, to show how
differentiation of programs manifests in the real application of program
synthesis, training neural nets for example.



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Re: Can SCOTUS limit itself to law without making policy?

Eric Charles-2
In reply to this post by Russ Abbott
A lot of current attitudes  (in the legal profession) about the proper role of SCOTUSwas shaped by the backlash against Roe vs. Wade. If you go back to that point in history, the push to make abortion legal had a huge amount of momentum, and many states had passed their own laws ensuring abortion was legal. There was every expectation that within a few years, almost every state would have passed similar laws, through the "natural" "democratic" process. When SCOTUS stepped in with its ruling, the idea that THAT was not a decision for the courts to make became a galvanizing issue, and seemed to dramatically increase public anti-abortion sentiment. It is widely believed that abortion rights would be more widely accepted today if the process had been allowed to proceed without judicial interference. Plus it made SCOTUS seem "political" in ways many didn't think was helpful. 

There was a lot of discussion about this while SCOTUS was deciding whether or not to hear same-sex marriage cases, for example. "Given that more and more states were passing same-sex marriage laws every year, why not just sit back and let the issue resolve itself legislatively?", some argued, "You don't want to risk the backlash that happened with abortion!" 

Regarding the Constitution... We stuck in the last 12 words of Article III, section 2, 2nd paragraph:
In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.  

The language of the section in question is pretty darn general, but it's never been tested. As I read it, I imagine the founders were thinking of exceptions to broad classes of action, not the review of particular laws. For example, if Congress decided that SCOTUS could not review grazing-permit disputes between private citizens and the federal government, that might make sense. A law would be written that empowered the holder of a particular federal job to be a final arbiter regarding the granting of permits, and that individual's decisions would not be up for judicial review. Or, for example, if military court marshals were not up for judicial review (though could still be over-ridden by the President - as Commander in Chief) that could make sense. In contrast, it would be weird to try to argue that SCOTUS couldn't review a law broadening the scope of warrantless house-raids to determine whether said law violated constitutional privacy protections. 

If such efforts ever became a big deal, presumably the issue would go before the courts. At that point, we would have the awkward situation of trying to determine whether SCOTUS has the constitutional power to determine the constitutionality of a law that restricted SCOTUS's powers to review the constitutionality of other laws. Ack!


-----------
Eric P. Charles, Ph.D.
Department of Justice - Personnel Psychologist
American University - Adjunct Instructor


On Wed, Oct 14, 2020 at 12:09 AM Russ Abbott <[hidden email]> wrote:
Thanks, Dave, Eric. I had no idea these positions had been proposed, especially so recently and especially by Roberts!

Supreme court review wrt constitutionality is not in the constitution. So there certainly seems to be room to argue that Congress could insulate some laws just by saying so.

The policy vs. law issue applies in other situations, though. For example, as I understand it Row v Wade was not a decision of a law that explicitly allowed abortion. Roe v Wade "found" the right to abortion in the constitution. Even though I'm on the pro-choice side, I'm not sure that was a good way to establish such a "right"--and especially by SCOTUS. That really does seem like policymaking. On the other hand, since we've been living with it for quite a while, overturning it now would seem inappropriate. Similarly for gay marriage. 

If SCOTUS wants to challenge such SCOTUS-found rights, an interesting approach would be for them to give congress a certain period of time to make a law creating those rights before the decision takes effect.

-- Russ Abbott                                      
Professor, Computer Science
California State University, Los Angeles


On Tue, Oct 13, 2020 at 3:17 PM Eric Charles <[hidden email]> wrote:
Holy cow, this is fascinating! 

Roberts had written a 27 page Memo on the topic (starting on p. 66). There appears to be no ambiguity that Congress can limit what the federal lower courts can hear. The issue is particularly whether it can limit the ability of SCOTUS to hear cases. Roberts argues strongly that Congress could limit the ability of the SCOTUS to hear issues, effectively making the the state supreme courts the final arbiters on those issues, particularly in the context of 14th Amendment cases (as that Amendment was written in an era where people were pretty pissed at SCOTUS, and therefore it has special language making Congress the final arbiter of relevant issues). However, the context of the article is specifically summarizing a bunch of recent papers and a conference on exactly that topic. As he puts it: 
this memorandum is prepared from a standpoint of advocacy of congressional power over the Supreme Court's appellate jurisdiction; it does not purport to be an objective review of the issue, and should therefore not be viewed as such. The memorandum does not consider specific proposals but rather the general question of congressional power 

Later Roberts prepared (at request) two versions of letter with different final paragraphs, one arguing that the congress could not limit the Supreme Court and one saything that it could. (page 53-56 in the link below). Both versions said that it was probably a terrible idea for Congress to make the 50 state supreme courts final arbiters of national issues, as surely disagreements would arise.

When the Attorney General issued a final letter, it appeared to draw heavily upon what Roberts had prepared, including the opinion that Congress could not limit the Supreme Court's power. The Attorney General's letter concluded (p. 7):
For reasons which I have developed at some length, I do not agree and have concluded that S. 1742 is unconstitutional. Ultimately, however, it is for Congress to determine what laws to enact and for the Executive Branch to "take care that the Laws be faithfully executed." It is not for the Attorney General but for the courts ultimately to rule on the constitutionality of Congress' enactment. As I have stated in another context, the Department of Justice must and shall defend the Acts of Congress "except in the rare case when the statute either infringes on the constitutional power of the Executive or when prior precedent overwhelmingly indicates that the statute is invalid." Accordingly, while I believe that S. 1742 is unconstitutional, should the Congress believe otherwise and should I be called upon to defend its constitutionality before the courts, I responsibly could and would do so with all of the resources at my command.

On Tue, Oct 13, 2020 at 5:04 PM Prof David West <[hidden email]> wrote:
In 1982 a DOJ attorney wrote a series of memos advocating the position that Article 3 of the Constitution gives the Supreme Court jurisdiction over constitutional issues with "such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make." Simply put, Congress could enact laws and include a clause exempting that law from Court review — not just the Supremes, but all federal courts.

Motivation behind the memos was advocacy of a position that Congress should pass laws, e.g. banning abortion or mandating school prayer, and bar the Courts from jurisdiction over that law and therefore prevent "travesties" like Roe v Wade.

The same argument has been resurrected the past year by the Democratic left only this time the laws that would be protected would be things like Obamacare or a Green New Deal.

The author of the memos: Chief Justice John Roberts.

davew


On Tue, Oct 13, 2020, at 10:43 AM, uǝlƃ ↙↙↙ wrote:
> I've forgotten what venue it was. But someone made the argument that
> elsewhere (other countries), courts don't have the power to strike down
> entire laws, and that extensive power is not inherent in our laws,
> either ... that it was somehow more convention than written in stone.
> They made the argument that John Roberts understands this, and
> understands that if the populace begins to reject the legitimacy of
> SCOTUS decisions, a flood of techniques could be used to degrade the
> courts' authority (much like the trends in the "unitary executive" have
> degraded Congress' authority).
>
> It seems like that argument is relevant to at least one of your questions.
>
> For me, until Kavanaugh, I'd never really realized how political the
> SCOTUS actually is [⛧]. The membership is pretty much locked down by
> the Senate. And the Senate is the rural/right bastion, the core
> representation problem. We complain a lot about the electoral college.
> But it's the structure of the Senate that's the real problem for
> progressivism. So, for me, they've lost all patina of "objectivity" at
> this point. They're as vapidly political/partisan as the House. We may
> as well admit this loss of credibility and find a way to "harden" it
> against abuse. Of course, the Rs don't "govern". So we're left in the
> unfortunate position of relying on the Ds to do it, if it'll be done at
> all.
>
>
> [⛧] Yes, I know. All the signs were there my entire life. What can I
> say? I'm a moron. It took a Frat boy being confirmed to make me realize
> it.
>
> On 10/13/20 9:18 AM, Russ Abbott wrote:
> > Amy Coney Barrett said that judges should stick to legal issues and leave policymaking to legislatures.  
> >
> > "A judge must apply the law as written, not as the judge wishes it were. Sometimes that approach meant reaching results he does not like. Courts are not designed to solve every problem or right every wrong in our public life. The policy decisions and value judgments of government must be made by the political branches elected by and accountable to the People. The public should not expect courts to do so, and courts should not try," 
> >
> > Let's assume she is intellectually honest and will do her best to live by this distinction. Do you think that's possible? How would you draw a line between legal issues and policy decisions? How could a court refuse to deal with cases that seem to require them to make policy decisions? Do you think a framework for courts could be established along these lines that would widely accepted?
>
>
> --
> ↙↙↙ uǝlƃ
>
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